Anti-Israel bigotry and bias anti-Semitism

A LEGAL VIEW OF ISRAELI PM NETANYAHU’S ‘ETHNIC CLEANSING’ SPEECH…….

The international community assembled in the freak show known as the UN, has it in for the lone star state of the Jews. 

Netanyahu

Elsewhere around the globe they treat comparable conflicts/situations differently to that of the one Israel finds itself in, solely because they’re Jews and that the Arabs have oil. It’s classic Jew hatred dressed up as (hypocritical) criticism, and the bought off sec-gen knows his place and who to hurl invective at.

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A Palestinian State Free of Jews?

A legal view into Netanyahu’s ‘ethnic cleansing’ speech

By Eugene Kontorovich|September 15, 2016 5:07 PM

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu provoked an storm of diplomatic disapproval last week, when he pointed out that  “the Palestinian Authority actually demands a Palestinian state with one precondition: no Jews.” The Obama Administration responded that it is “inappropriate” to speak of demands for a removal of settlers in such terms. Removing the settlers, Netanyahu’s critics say, is natural and appropriate: their presence in a Palestinian state would cause tension and problems, and in any case, they should not have been there in the first place.

While it is not surprising that the head of the U.N. was unhappy with Netanyahu’s remarks , the head of the Anti-Defamation League, Jonathan Greenblatt, also joined in . But neither actually addressed the central issue that Netanyahu raised: why it is legitimate for the Palestinians to ask for a Jew-free state?

When pressed, defenders of the Palestinian position characterize the demand as no settlers rather than the uglier-sounding no Jews. The claim is hard to take at face value, as the Palestinians have never objected to Israeli Arabs settling across the Green Line, as they have in significant numbers. But, granting its sincerity, what does international law say about the demand to remove settlers as part of a solution to a territorial conflict? To answer this question, as part of a larger research study on settlements, I examined the fate of settlers in every occupation since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions —eight major situations in total. The results highlight how extraordinary the Palestinian demand is.

There is simply no support in international practice for the expulsion of settlers from occupied territories. In the many situations involving settlers around the world, the international community has never supported expulsion, and consistently backed plans allowing the settlers to remain in a new state.

Settlement activity is the rule rather than the exception in situations of belligerent occupation around the world. In places like Western Sahara and northern Cyprus, the settlers now make up a majority of the population. In most other places, they account for a much higher percentage of the territory’s population than Jews would in a potential Palestinian state. In all these cases, the arrival of the settlers was accompanied with the familiar claims of seizure of land and property, and serious human rights abuses. Unlike the Israeli situation, it was also accompanied with a large-scale expulsion of the prior inhabitants from the territory.

In internationally-brokered efforts to resolve these conflicts, the question of the fate of the settlers naturally arose. The answer, across all these very different situations, has always been the same: the settlers stay. Indeed, the only point of dispute has typically been what proportion of settlers receive automatic citizenship in any newly-created state and what proportion merely gets residence status. Thus, when East Timor, for example, received independence in an internationally-approved process, none of the Indonesian settlers were required to leave. The current U.N.-mediated peace plans for Western Sahara and Cyprus not only presuppose the demographically dominant settler population can remain, it gives them a right to vote in referenda on potential deal.

This is not because these settlers are beloved by the surrounding population. The opposite is true. In the Paris peace talks to end the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia, representatives of the latter tried to raise the possibility of expelling the nearly million Vietnamese settlers. Their arguments were familiar: the settlers remind them of the occupation, rekindle ancient hatreds, and destabilize the peace. Yet the Cambodian demands for the mass removal of ethnic Vietnamese was rejected outright by diplomats: One simply cannot ask for such things.

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